Thursday, February 28, 2008

Brooklyn is expanding.

A few weeks ago, I went out to dinner with a friend of mine who lives in the Gowanus neighborhood of Brooklyn. Before dinner, he invited me up to his apartment for a beer. As we chatted in his living room, he brought me over to the window and showed me the new building that was built over the last year behind his house.

“See that over there,” he asked. “That five story building replaced a lot that just sat there in waiting for the better part of the 20th Century. "On Sunday mornings he used to pull the blinds all the way up so the sun would flood his apartment with warm natural light as he enjoyed his coffee and the Sunday New York Times.

Not any longer, he said. Now, the sunlight bounces off the side of the building, making his apartment significantly dimmer.

To have a new building where there used to be nothing, or next to nothing, is an increasingly common experience in Brooklyn. In all corners of the borough – from the bungalows of Brighton Beach to the train tracks at the Atlantic Yards – new developments are inching higher into the sky.

As someone whose family has been rooted in Brooklyn for over half a century, the scale and pace of development here is a relatively new thing. Whether you are in favor of development or are fiercely against it, what has been taking place for the past ten years (at least) rivals any of the borough’s great booms of the past.

Brooklyn’s historical architecture embodies its marvelous aspirations. Brooklynites are proud of landmarks such as Grand Army Plaza, the magnificent Brooklyn Museum, and the Parisian-style boulevard of Eastern Parkway. They exemplify the borough’s history as its own independent city that dreamed of a world class future.

At the same time, Brooklynites for the most part live in or around low-rise, low-density housing that gives their neighborhoods the feeling of being a small town in the heart of one of the world’s greatest cities.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that this duality has existed for about 100 years.

The reactions to new changes throughout the borough embody this longstanding historical tension - of a city with one foot planted in the past while the other tries to step towards its future.

On the one hand, we fear the loss of the quality of life we’ve known for decades. On the other hand, we hang our hopes on new developments that will carry us into the future.

In the case of my friend’s neighborhood, he told me that when the new building went up, the neighborhood became hysterical. People who had lived on his street for decades stood on each other’s stoops and shared their fears about parking spaces. With five new units on the nearby block, how much farther would they have to travel for a place to park their cars after a long day’s work?

This was a real concern. But the same neighborhood did not demonstrate the same kind of visceral reaction when a much larger real estate development, the Atlantic Yards, was announced. Perhaps it was because the quality of life wasn’t at risk of being inundated by new car traffic, or that its sunny streets weren't in jeopardy of falling under the shadows of the new towers.

Instead, he said, people were excited by new possibilities, like the prospect of Brooklyn having a new professional sports team or a famous architect introducing a new building style to the borough.

I don’t remark on this because I have an opinion one way or another about the Atlantic Yards development. I would be happy if it did not happen. But I say it because I think that there is something remarkably similar between these two reactions.

They both represent something about Brooklyn that perseveres throughout its changes, and that is the desire among Brooklynites to commune with one another. Whether you call it kvetching, bitching, hyping, or laughing, a style of architecture – neither a brownstone nor a skyscraper – will ever change the fact that Brooklynites cannot stop talking to each other about what is going on around them. The changes Brooklyn is going through now are experiences shared among people from many different backgrounds and they lay the foundation for the borough’s next generation, which will have to find its own ways of coping and coexisting.

As we left my friend’s apartment for the restaurant, he mentioned one of his favorite scenes from the Woody Allen movie “Annie Hall.”

“Remember that flashback to the doctor’s office where the boy has stopped doing his homework because he thinks the world is expanding and so doing homework is pointless? ‘The universe is not expanding!’ his mom says, ‘Brooklyn is not expanding!’”

Brooklyn is expanding, I thought, and it’s that very expansion that will hold it together.

Sunday, February 24, 2008

Thursday, February 14, 2008

R.I.P. Rudy Giuliani, (1994-2000, 2001-2008)

From time to time, I write topical political opinion pieces for my boss. He gives me an assignment, I work it out, and then we go over it together for a final run through. They end up running in a variety of different publications, many of which do not have an online presence. But I'm proud of what I write and so I want to make sure that they live on someplace online.

Here is the latest piece: an attempt to make a little sense of the faltering of Rudy Giuliani's bid for the presidency. Many of you know my personal attitudes about Rudy, which I had to reign in to write this piece. To give you an idea of what the uncut version looked like, each paragraph ended up spiraling into a verbal tornado of expletive-laced rants. It's not rational, my loathing of him. So I consider this G-Rated assessment of the death of his political career - a spectacle no less beautiful than the light show of an imploding star - to be a feather in my cap as a writer, if not a human being.



R.I.P. Rudy Giuliani, (1994-2000, 2001-2008)

We are the party of freedom! We are the party of the people! And we’re a big party, we’re a big party, and we’re getting bigger… I’m even in this party! This is a BIG party!
These words, delivered by former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani as an impromptu aside in the middle of his concession speech after losing the Florida primary, were aimed directly at the hearts of Republicans desperate for a savior for their fractured national party.

At the time, the field of Republican candidates was crowded with the likes of Mitt Romney, Mike Huckabee, Ron Paul, and, for at least the next 24 hours, Mr. Giuliani. Each was an imperfect candidate representing a different portion of the G.O.P. None of them was the traditional conservative archetype who could satisfy all.

By the time polls had closed that night, the press was already busy writing Rudy’s political obituary. He didn't even make it to New York, a place that defined Rudy as much as he defined it. Th moment was ripe for his self-deprecating digression.

Giuliani’s campaign faltered for countless reasons. You could attribute it to his campaign's quixotic and (some would say) naïve choice to bypass early primary states, which set him back significantly in the race for the Republican nomination. He paid a heavy price by bypassing Iowa and New Hampshire, partly because of G.O.P. rules that allocate delegates on a “winner take all” basis, in contrast with Democratic Party rules allocating delegates proportionally. You could also blame his flame-out on the resurgence of John McCain’s candidacy, which was seen as unlikely when the race began. McCain's positions on national security, as well as his strength of character, took a lot (read: all) of the wind from Giuliani’s sails. Or chalk it up to the Curse of City Hall, the superstition that keeps New York City’s Mayors – who might be some of this country's greatest leaders - from reaching higher office.

In spite of those mistakes, the truth is that Giuliani’s campaign failed because, put plainly, he ran up against the simple fact that when you run for the highest office in the land you will be judged on the entirety of your record.

For many months, Giuliani's campaign tried to sell his party the Courageous Leader the World Witnessed on September 11th. His critics were accustomed to mocking the frequency with which he mentioned this tragedy by spelling his name "9udy 11iuliani." But no matter how he exploited the nation's misery to bolster his reputation or cash out with lucrative speaking engagements and a powerful security consulting and lobbying firm, Rudy cannot be faulted for the admirable and enviable way he poured his inner strength into the vacuum left by the Bush Administration on a day of national emergency. Early polling reflected the support he received from Republican Party base for his patriotic service to our country. For upwards of ten months, he was considered the front runner, often holding a double-digit lead over his closest rivals.

But that was not enough. Neither Rudy's status as a national hero nor his record as the strongman who tamed the “ungovernable” city was sufficient to navigate his campaign through the Grand Old Party’s gauntlet of a nomination process. In spite of endorsements from conservative evangelical leaders like Pat Robertson, Giuliani still had to reconcile his public record for conservative voters on issues such as immigration and gay rights. Moreover, just one day after receiving Robertson’s blessing, Rudy's close associate and business partner Bernie Kerik was indicted on various federal corruption charges, highlighting the cumbersome relationships he continued to obscure and defend. All of this raised real doubts among Republican voters looking for an authentic leader to continue their party's control of the Executive Branch.

By the time it became clear that Giuliani wasn’t going to leave the Sunshine State victoriously, he needed to cut his losses. Why spend the money, time, and political capital on winning a few friendly states near home when it was clear that the nomination would elude him?

But beyond questions of practical matters such as winning delegates, raising funds, and spinning favorable (if ephemeral) storylines in the press, his decision to skip early contests did not come across as a strategic choice. Instead, it reminded us of the absence of leadership we remember in the early hours of September 11, 2001, and not the powerful images of valor and bravery.

Right before Rudy delivered his written remarks conceding Florida to McCain, a man in the audience called out: "It ain't over 'til it's over, Rudy!" The contender beamed his cap-toothed smile and, like a parent to his toddler, he turned the mistake of his campaign into a "teaching moment" and attributed those words to "the great philosopher" Yogi Berra. It was pleasing to see Rudy in such a lighthearted moment. But it revealed a Rudy who was perhaps more at home in the Baseball Hall of Fame than as the unwitting paladin of 9/11, or even in the halls of the Republican Party. He endorsed McCain the next day, but he didn't get around to completing Yogi's thought and publicly admit, is it over yet? Politicians never do. But it was a fitting end for the complicated Prince of New York, whose fall from grace was as vexing and profound as the pronouncements of baseball's great philosopher king.

Tuesday, February 12, 2008

Friday, February 8, 2008

Don't Call It A Blog

The New Yorker recently launched a new blog on their web site called "Goings On." I was about to hyperlink to it from Channel Alex, but when I realized that this blog has hijacked numerous entries from yours truly, I decided that I just couldn't give them the click thrus. So you're going to have to find it yourself. But to be honest, you are not missing much. Just a bunch of elitist hodge podge of things that are happening wherever the New Yorker wishes it was but here. (But I will link to this hilariously stupid and pretentious blog called I Hate The NYer, for your reading whatever.)

Thursday, February 7, 2008

Wednesday, February 6, 2008

Sorta Liveblogging Ridley Scott's 'Legend,' the most boring movie I've seen in a very, very long time

I don't know what Gawker is waiting for, but this Ridley Scott movie from 1986 with Tom Cruise and Mia Sara has some amazing lines that could be perfectly recontextualized into video clips of Cruise's descent into madness.

Here is a little though hilarious IMDB gaffe in the film's 'trivia' section:
Composer Jerry Goldsmith's original score was removed by the studio after the first round of test screenings. In an effort to appeal to "the kids", executives commissioned Tangerine Dream to create a replacement. Until 2002, Goldsmith's original score was heard only with the film's European release.
Click on that link. Who knew Tangerine Dream the pornstar gets precedence over Tangerine Dream the iconic 80s electronica act.

Now, for some more interesting trivia. It looks like Keith Richards wasn't only the inspiration for Captain Jack Sparrow. According to IMDB, his face was the source material for the Blix the Goblin. See the comparison?


Do I really need to finish watching this movie?